In March alone, 111 people died during police encounters — 36 more than the previous month. As in the past, numerous incidents were spurred by violent threats from suspects, and two officers were shot in Ferguson
during a peaceful protest. However, the deaths follow a national
pattern: suspects were mostly people of color, mentally ill, or both.
The victims must have missed the lecture on how to behave if engaged by the police. Snark As the young people say, let's flip the script. However, the deaths follow a national pattern: suspects were mostly white, mentally ill, or both. Maybe then we would have some real reform. From the American Civil Liberties Union:
The public needs legitimate data collection practices
that promote transparency and accountability when police use
unreasonable force. We need something a little more thoughtful than a
Google search to give us the stats on the number of police shootings —
fatal or nonfatal — in any given period of time. As the ACLU explained to the task force, data collection and
reporting is the easiest single thing any police department can do
starting today. And it will offer the best depiction of what policing in
the 21st century looks like. Both the ACLU and the task force recommend data collection on a range
of police and citizen encounters — from stops and arrests to nonfatal
and fatal police shootings. “Policies on use of force,” the task force
writes, “should also require agencies to collect, maintain, and report
data to the Federal Government on all officer-involved shootings,
whether fatal or nonfatal, as well as any in-custody death.” And data
must be inclusive not just of race and gender but disability as well.
As of April 2, two individuals have been killed by police — one in California and another in New York — according to KilledByPolice. The circumstances surrounding the deaths was not specified. When are Americans going to stop saying it's OK? Get involved. Tell the DOJ: Ban racial profiling by police.
Last night on AC360, Martin family attorney, Benjamin Crump, said the importance of the Justice Department review of the Trayvon Martin case and the Stand Your Ground law is so that parents know what to tell their children.
He raised a more chilling question, too. When the next child is murdered in a Stand Your Ground state, what do you think the defendant will say?
In June, right after the Zimmerman jury selection, Attorney Crump said:
"Well, you know, we've said all along this case is about equal justice. Equal justice under the law is not a black value, it's not a white value, it's an American value. And with the make-up of this jury, five white women and one hispanic, it's gonna be the question can every American get equal justice no matter who sits on your jury. And so, they're just praying that they can get justice for their child."
Sadly and disgustingly, we know how that worked out.
In a gut-wrenching chronology, Journalist Charles Blow enumerated the many ways the system failed Trayvon Martin.
Then, he asked what parents are asking, "What do I tell my boys?"
The idea of universal suspicion without individual evidence is what Americans find abhorrent and what black men in America must constantly fight. It is pervasive in policing policies — like stop-and-frisk, and in this case neighborhood watch — regardless of the collateral damage done to the majority of innocents. It’s like burning down a house to rid it of mice.
As a parent, particularly a parent of black teenage boys, I am left with the question, “Now, what do I tell my boys?”
We used to say not to run in public because that might be seen as suspicious, like they’d stolen something. But according to Zimmerman, Martin drew his suspicion at least in part because he was walking too slowly.
So what do I tell my boys now? At what precise pace should a black man walk to avoid suspicion?
And can they ever stop walking away, or running away, and simply stand their ground? Can they become righteously indignant without being fatally wounded?
Right now we send our Black children disturbingly contradictory signals on how to conduct themselves so that they are free from discrimination and violence. Here are a few examples:
1) Black boys and men should not walk too quickly or run because that suggests they've done something wrong. They also should not walk too slowly because that suggests they must be looking for trouble.
2) Young black men should not put their hands in their pockets but should instead always keep their hands where others can see them. They should also avoid gesticulating, because others might misinterpret their gestures as aggressiveness.
3) Black boys and men should wear business attire at all times because casual clothes—especially hoodies—suggest they're up to no good.
4) Black youth should never hang out with more than three friends at one time, because large groups are likely to be mistaken for a gang. They should also be careful about walking alone—young men hanging out by themselves, like Trayvon Martin, are suspicious.
5) When shopping, whether at a grocery store or a department store, young Black men should check out quickly in order to avoid suspicion. But they should not check out too quickly, because that means they've pocketed merchandise on their way out.
6) Young black men should never make eye contact with others because it is threatening; they should never avert their eyes because that looks furtive.
7) Black men must be careful about walking, driving, or flying while black, especially in neighborhoods or in destinations where there are typically not a lot of black people. But they should avoid low income neighborhoods, because that is where the police are even more inclined to respond with brutality and arrest.
8) And the most important lesson of all to be learned from this tragedy is that Black boys and men must be careful about defending themselves because, no matter what happens, they will be seen as the aggressor.
She ends with a call to action.
"I simply don't know what to tell my son about how to live his life under these circumstances. I have known for a long time that there is nothing I can do to protect my son from prejudice. But I simply refuse to accept that there is nothing I can do to protect him from violence. This is the current reality that my son and countless parents like me face, but we cannot stop here.
